The Great War in 1914 and 1915
The Great War, or as we now call it – the First World War, began on 4 August 1914. By the end of that year all movement of the armies had ceased and the war had become an immobile trench war. In 1915 several attempts were made to forcibly achieve a decisive breakthrough. However, these attempts all failed and only lead to terrible losses. Both parties were convinced that 1916 would be the year of their crucial victory. Germany expected to have this at Verdun. The allies tried to realise their victory through a joint operation at the river Somme.

The German plan of attack
The German commander-in-chief General Erich von Falkenhayn considered England to be Germany’s most important enemy. He believed England would collapse as soon as France, their most important ally, would be defeated. That is why a target had to be found that would be so important to the French, that they would be willing to sacrifice their entire army. This army would ‘bleed to death’ (the Germans called this ‘weissbluten’) and could then easily be defeated. Geographically this had to be Verdun. Of old, Verdun was an important stronghold at the Eastern border. Firstly, because it played an important part in the line of defence, which was built after the French – Prussian war of 1870. Secondly, it was the Northern gate to the Champagne plain and therefore Paris. Another reason was that Verdun had been able to withstand the German attacks of 1914. It was an important garrison and had a fortified citadel.

The German preparations
On 24 December 1915 the final decision was made to attack Verdun. In total secrecy preparations were made by the Germans. These plans were hardly known to their other army units. The plan was to crush the French front-line completely with a massive artillery bombardment. Over 1,200 German guns were made available for this.

A heavy German mortar in front of Verdun

The situation from the French perspective
Verdun was a garrison town surrounded by a double ring of fortresses and fortifications situated among nearly impenetrable hills. However, the defence of Verdun had been seriously neglected since the beginning of the war. In 1915 the French supreme command judged the Verdun fortresses to be useless as the heavy German artillery had just destroyed similar fortresses in Belgium to pieces. The French fortresses were stripped from their guns and only a few man remained. The lines of defence surrounding Verdun were neglected as well. There had been repeated pleas for reinforcement, especially when it became obvious that the Germans were preparing an attack. However, the French headquarters were not interested in the pleas: ‘Verdun is not an important target’, was their judgement.

Phase 2 – The German Offensive of 21 February

The delayed attack
German troops were placed in position in the night of 11 to 12 February 1916, but because of the terrible weather circumstances the attack was delayed until 21 February. This delay probably saved France from the defeat as the two French divisions that had been hastily added to the Verdun front-line could be placed in position and defensive improvements could be made at the last minute.

The start of the German attack
The attack started on 21 February on the right bank of the Meuse with the heaviest bombing that had ever taken place in a war. It lasted over 9 hours and was the most horrible that man had ever seen.

In the following days the Germans did not progress as much as they had expected, but on 25 February the unbelievable happened: the Germans occupied the most important fortress on the defence line. This fort Douaumont had been considered impregnable. Verdun lay within reach.

Pétain takes defence measures
The French headquarters appointed general Phillipe Pétain commander-in-chief of the Verdun front. He immediately ordered the formation of a line of defence on the right bank of the Meuse. This line had to be formed between the remaining fortresses which had to be defended at any cost to buy the time needed to build fortifications.

Especially on the left bank more artillery was quickly set up to check the German advance. The Germans were stopped near the village of Douaumont which is very close to the fort. Between 26 February and 2 March the French fought over the village only to give it away to the Germans in the end. However, general Pétain did win something: the necessary time to fortify the French defence. It became clear to the Germans that the attack of Verdun was coming to a halt and that the French artillery on the left bank had to be destroyed first.

Phase 3 – The Battle of the Flanks: the Left Bank of the Meuse

The battle of Côte 304 and Le Mort-Homme
The German army command decided to attack both banks of the Meuse at the same time. The most important aim of attack on the left bank was the Bois Bourrus. The French artillery was concentrated here. Before this Bois could be attacked a hill called Le Mort-Homme [Dead Man Hill] had to be taken. The attack started on 6 March 1916.

At first the Germans advanced well, but Le Mort-Homme was fiercely defended by the French and the Germans were more and more bothered by gun fire from a nearby hill: the Côte 304 [Hill 304]. That is why they decided to take the Côte 304 first. The attack started on 3 May with 500 guns thundering on a field of not even a square 2 kilometres. Under terrible circumstances and suffering horrible losses the Côte 304 and then Le Mort-Homme were taken by the Germans at the end of May. After three months of continuous warfare the Bois Bourrus was theirs.

Phase 4 – The Battle of the Flanks: the Right Bank of the Meuse

The battle of Vaux
Two days later, 8 March 1916, the battle started on the right bank. The aim of attack was the fortress of Vaux that had by now been fortified and could be counted among the strongest forts of war. The German attack was immediately put to a stop by the heavy French gunfire. The intense fights over the fort lasted until 19 March but nothing was achieved. The German troops were exhausted and the battle was therefore deferred.

Pétain is replaced by Nivelle
By the end of April a crisis had developed in the French army command. Pétain was kicked upstairs and replaced by general Nivelle per 1 May 1916. He was known as a merciless basher who favoured the frontal attack. His right-hand man was general Mangin; a ruthless front general who was known as ‘the slaughterer’.

The explosion at fort Douaumont
Starting from 1 May fort Vaux was attacked; an earlier German attack had failed. There was a lot of French resistance and when an explosion occurred on 8 May in fort Douaumont taking the life of over 700 Germans it was decided to delay the attack and concentrate the attack on the left bank. However, the Thiaumont fortification and fort Vaux had to be taken first.

The fall of fort Vaux
Surprisingly, before a German attack could take place the French undertook a counter attack of fort Douaumont. Two days of bitter fights followed. The attack was warded off by the Germans and only a few French soldiers returned to Verdun.

Fort Vaux shortly after the war

Fort Vaux was taken on 7 July after heroic resistance by the French major Raynal. French attempts to recapture the fort ended in pointless massacres.

Phase 5 – The Last German Offensive

The first German attack: the occupation of Fleury
The next major German offensive was aimed at the occupation of the village of Fleury and fort Souville. From these points the Germans intended to advance to Verdun. On 23 June three German army corps attacked. This was the first attack in which phosgene gas was used. 230 Guns fired a total of 110,000 of these poison gas shells.

French prisoners of war are deported

This did not have the anticipated result and the German attack came to a halt. The attack of fort Souville failed completely. The Thiaumont fortification and the village of Fleury were the sole objects of occupation. The attack of Verdun had failed again.

The Crisis of the French Defence
At the same time the French found themselves in a crisis situation. Verdun was under heavy attack: there was even some thought of clearance of the right bank of the Meuse. In the nick of time a German breakthrough was stopped due to the individual actions of French officers. These officers independently organised the defence at the front and stood their ground.

The Crown Prince takes the salute

The German army commander Von Knobelsdorf intended to undertake a last attack of Verdun, but before this could take place the French mounted a counter attack, causing the preparations of the planned attack to be postponed. There were still bitter fights fought over Fleury under the most abominable circumstances.

The second German attack: the Failed Attack of Fort Souville
The planned German attack took place on 11 July. The French answered with violent gunfire and soon stopped the attack. Nevertheless, the Germans did have one victory: the village of Fleury was finally theirs. However, the German reserve troops that had to force a breakthrough did not show and the French were able to bring fortifications at the last moment to stop the German army. There was another attempt to take fort Souville, but that failed as well. The German attack of Verdun had failed again.

Funeral of a comrade

The battle of the Somme started on 1 July 1916 and as a result of this the activities at the Verdun front were temporarly halted. The German troops were instructed to be economical with munitions. More and more troops and artillery were transferred to the Somme and the eastern front where a large Russian offensive had started. The battle at Verdun continued unrelentingly although on a smaller scale. General Mangin started a large offensive at Fleury on 15 July, but this attack was stopped causing numerous French losses.

The third German attack: the Battle of Fleury
The German army command decided to attack once more, to consolidate the front between Fleury and the Thiaumont fortification. The attack begun on 1 August and lasted on and off until 6 September. The advantage alternated between the Germans and the French, but neither party achieved any real success. The fighting zone was the area between fort Souville and the Froideterre fortification. This area had turned into a quagmire with shell holes where both sides took turns in attacking and counterattacking.

Exhausted French troops after a battle

The battlefield was covered with casualties; there was no longer one front-line. The troops on both sides survived under ghastly circumstances. There was an enormous shortage of drinking water, munitions and food. The losses on both sides were enormous. As of 6 September rest had (temporarily) set in at the battlefield of Verdun.

Phase 6 – The French Offensive

The Relief of Von Knobelsdorf and Von Falkenhayn
On 23 August the message was received in the Stenay headquarters that general Von Knobelsdorf had been relieved of his duties. The criticism on Von Falkenhayn increased as well. The German Kaiser decided that Ludendorff and Von Hindenburg should be the new commanders-in-chief, as they had proven to be worthy of this position at the eastern front. Von Falkenhayn was posted to Rumania. The first action of general Ludendorff was a cease fire at Verdun, but the French army command had set their mind on striking back.

The Fall of Fort Douaumont and Fort Vaux
On 21 October 1916 the French attack on the right bank of the Meuse started with a heavy bombardment over a part of the front-line that was seven kilometres wide. At the same time fort Douaumont was bombed with a new sort of 400 mm gun. On 24 October the French attackers stirred: the new system of the moving fire screen [barrage] was working excellently and the German front was rounded up. Two direct hits found their way into the heart of fort Douaumont and caused enormous damage. The Germans left the fort because it was considered indefensible. Therefore it came into the hands of the French rather easily.

On 25 October fort Vaux was attacked. German machine-gun fire destroyed the trench waves of attack every time. After this the attacks of fort Vaux were ceased. When the German army command concluded that the fort was in danger of being separated from the German front, it was decided to clear the fort and blow it up. The French could occupy the ruins. After this it stayed quiet on the front for a long time.

The Last French Offensive
The French decided to attack once more to force the Germans back to their original positions of February 1916. On 11 December the French artillery fire started again and on 13 December the French advanced behind a rolling artillery barrage. The Germans clung on determinedly. The French losses were huge but finally the front broke.

On 19 December 1916 the German army command concluded that they had suffered a defeat at Verdun. The German army had once and for all been pushed back to its original positions. The battle of Verdun had come to an end.

Despite Vileneuve’s pre-battle instructions that “any captain who is not under fire is not at his post”, Admiral Dumunoir, commanding the van, led the 10 ships at the head of the line on their original course, leaving the British with a numerical superiority of 27:23.

Victory Engaging Redoubtable
Victory breaking the allied line & battle
Source: Schom A. Trafalgar: Countdown to Battle 1803-1805, Michael Joseph Ltd., London, 1990, p.326

The commander of Redoubtable, having recognized the British superiority in shiphandling and gunnery had trained his crew at sharpshooting and boarding. Ordering his sharpshooters into the rigging, he prepared to board. Victory continued to pound Redoubtable which had closed its gun ports to prevent boarding by Victory. So effective was murderous fire of the French sharpshooters that Nelson ordered the 12-pounder crews on the quarterdeck and the marines below in order to save life. It was about 1.25 when a sharpshooter shot Nelson through the spine. As Redoubtable attempted to board, a short sharp fight developed with 19 killed and 22 wounded.

Nelson Shot
Nelson Shot by a French sharpshooter in Redoubtable’s rigging

Help came as Temeraire pulled out of Victory’s wake, passing astern of Redoubtable and between Victory and Neptune (Fr), firing into both French ships, but was raked by San Justo from astern and San Leandro from starboard. Using the starboard batteries to engage San Justo and the port batteries on Redoubtable, she was heavily battered. As Victory and Redoubtable battered each other, the heavy swell slowly took Redoubtable into Temeraire and they locked together. Together, the two British ships, with three times the firepower of the French ship, proceeded to pummel Redoubtable into submission, who finally surrendered to Victory with 487 killed and 81 wounded out of a crew of 643.

As Redoubtable surrendered, Fougueux, who had just left a skirmish with Belleisle ranged up and raked Temeraire with a broadside. As Temeraire had lost both of her flags in the battle, the French ship mistakenly believed that she had struck colours and approached to board. When she had closed to within 100 yards, Temeraire unleashed a series of devastating broadsides, wrecking the French ship, before boarding. In only 10 minutes, Fougueux surrendered. Victory managed to break free of Redoubtable, leaving Temeraire with a captured ship lashed to each side in her charge. Neptune (Fr) continued to fire into Temeraire and her prizes until threatened by Leviathan.

At around 1.45, Neptune (Br), followed by Leviathan and Conqueror, each passed astern of Bucentaure, raking her stern as they passed, taking away her masts. Neptune (Br) moved up alongside Santissima Trinidad and engaged, helped by Leviathan. Conqueror, engaged Bucentaure, who also fired on by Victory and Leviathan, eventually surrendered to the Conqueror at around 4.15.

Leviathan, leaving Neptune (Br) to deal with Santissima Trinidad, headed for Neptune (Fr) who fled. Without a prize for the day, she closed on the van and engaged San Augustin returning to the battle at 3.00. When within 100 yards, the Spaniard turned hard to starboard to rake her but Leviathan beat her turning to port and raking her starboard side. Fearful that the Spaniard with full maneuverability would escape, Leviathan ran aboard her, laid down heavy fire and captured the Spanish ship. Having just secured her capture, Leviathan was raked by Intrepide, returning from the van. They exchanged broadsides before Intrepide turned to meet the fast approaching Africa.

Leviathan And San Augustin
Leviathan’s fight
Source: Schom A. Trafalgar: Countdown to Battle 1803-1805, Michael Joseph Ltd., London, 1990, p.336

Africa, having fallen out of position during the night, had hastened to the battle. When finally in position, believing Santissima Trinidad had struck her colours, she had sent Lieutenant John Smith aboard to receive her surrender. On boarding, he was informed that the Spanish ship had not surrendered and according to the custom of the time, the Spanish commander allowed him to return to his own ship. In the 3/4 hour battle with Intrepide, she was crippled and only avoided capture as Orion raked Intrepide’s bow and came between them. In the battle that followed, Intrepide fought valiantly, finally surrendering dismasted and surrounded by six English ships at 5.00. Meanwhile, Santissima Trinidad, unable to fight and out of control, eventually surrendered to Prince.

Admiral Dumanoir eventually responded to Villeneuve’s frantic signals, which he had ignored for over two hours, and turned his division back at around 2.00pm. The only way for him to envelop the rear of the British column would be to tack into the wind. Instead he chose the easier option of wearing with the wind. As the wind dropped, they were forced to lower their boats to drag the ships around. Of the ships in the van, Scipion, Formidable, Duguay-Trouin and Mont-Blank turned and remained in good order under Dumanoir’s command, San Francisco de Asis and Rayo ignored Dumanoir and continued on towards Cadiz while only Intrepide, San Augustin and Neptuno had headed for the thick of the battle.

Ajax and Agamemnon at the rear of the English column place themselves between the embattled Intrepide and Dumanoir’s column to block any attempt at rescue. Meanwhile Britannia, who had managed to stay out of any great danger for the entire battle, fired on the rapidly departing San Francisco de Asis and Rayo from long range.

Leaving Orion in possession of Intrepide, Minotaur and Spartiate gave chase to and caught Neptuno, ranging up on either side. For the next hour, they blasted the Spaniard until she surrendered at 5.10. Out of control, she eventually drifted into Temeraire, still lashed to two enemy ships.

Dumanoir and his four ships sailed between the beaten Intrepide and the besieged Neptuno making no effort to come to the aid of either. He was challenged by Ajax and Agamemnon and was hit by several broadsides but declined the honor of battle. They continued to sail on out of harms way into the Atlantic.

Collingwood’s original intention was to break the line 12 ships from the rear but he found himself heading for the 18th and 19th in line, the Santa Ana and Fougueux. The first shots were fired a little before 12.00 at Collingwood’s Royal Sovereign by the French ship Fougueux, closely followed by the Santa Ana, Monarca, Pluton and Indompable. The Royal Sovereign, fresh out of the dockyards, had broken away ahead of the others in his division by about 3/4 of a mile, causing Nelson to comment, “See how that noble fellow Collingwood carries his ship into action.”

The British fleet as dipicted by William Heath Fougueux put on extra sail to get ahead and Santa Ana slowed in order to close the gap for which the Royal Sovereign was heading but were too late. Royal Sovereign stormed through the gap, raking Santa Ana’s stern and came along side her. She soon found herself surrounded, however, as Fougueux, Monarca, and Indompable came up to the leeward of the Royal Sovereign firing at and demasting her.

Belleisle, the second of Collingwood’s column, broke through behind Fougueux having received heavy fire. Firing into Fougueux’s stern, Belleisle engaged Indompable and San Juan Nepomuceno, losing her main topmast at 12.45. At around 1.00, Fougueux approached from the starboard. Half an hour later, Achille (Fr) moved across her stern while Aigle, San Leandro and San Justo appeared off her bows. To make matters worse, for Belleisle, the powerful Principe de Asturias passed her bows firing a salvo while Neptune (Fr) also moved to engage. Surrounded and blasted by five enemy ships, Belleisle somehow managed to hand on until 3.15 when Polythemus came between her and Neptune (Fr), drawing fire. At 3.20, Defiance engaged Aigle and a few minutes later, Swiftsure (Br) attacked Achille (Fr). With no masts from which to hang a flag, the desperate but unbeaten crew of Belleisle proudly waved their colours from a pike, drawing cheers from the British ships coming to her aid. On seeing Argonauta strike, Belleisle’s Captain Hardwood even managed to send a boarding party to claim the surrender.

Belleisle In Battle
Belleisle’s fight
Source: Schom A. Trafalgar: Countdown to Battle 1803-1805, Michael Joseph Ltd., London, 1990, p.341

Mars followed and attacked Pluton but was outmaneuvered and raked through the stern. Fired on by San Juan Nepomuceno, Monarca, Pluton and Algesiras, she lost way to avoid hitting Santa Ana and was raked by Monarca and Algesiras. Breaking through between Pluton and Monarca, Tonnant came to the rescue. Fougueux moved away in the direction of Temeraire while Pluton, about to board Mars, broke off action when threatened from astern, moving away from the battle towards Principe de Asturias.

Tonnant headed straight for Algesiras, firing a broadside before coming alongside Monarca, forcing her temporary surrender. At Algesiras attacked, Tonnant ran aboard her while Monarca raised her colours again unnoticed in the background. Admiral Charles Magon aboard Algesiras attempted to board but a well-timed shot from a cannonade filled with grapeshot decimated his boarding party. Its one survivor was captured when he attempted to board. The battle continued for an hour with Tonnant’s starboard guns engaging Algesiras, port guns Pluton and the forwardmost guns aimed at San Juan Nepomuceno. The nearly as damaged Tonnant finally beat Algesiras into submission at around 2.30. San Juan Nepomuceno surrendered at 2.45 but the boat sent to accept her surrender was swamped and Tonnant, without another, was unable to secure her surrender. Defiance eventually accepted the surrender 1 1/4 hours later.

Bellerophon passed astern of Monarca as she rehoisted her colours, moving to the lee side where Aigle engaged her at 12.50. As Monarca and Montanes closed, Bahama laid down heavy fire and Swift-Sure (Fr) engaged from starboard. In 10 minutes, Bellerophon had lost her main and mizzen topmasts and the mainsail had burst into flames. Montanes fell astern while Bahama received a devastating broadside from Colossus who was entering action. Swift-Sure (Fr), moved off to engage her. At 1.45, Aigle dropped astern and was raked by Bellerophon and Revenge. Bellerophon fired her few remaining guns at Monarca who surrendered.

Colossus fired a broadside into Swift-Sure (Fr) and at 1.00 loomed up out of the smoke next to Argonaute and fouled. For the next 10 minutes they pounded each other until the force of their firing pushed them apart. Argonaute steered away and after a brief skirmish with Revenge, steered for Cadiz. Engaging both Swift-Sure (Fr) and Bahama, she forced Bahama’s surrender at around 3.00 as Swift-Sure (Fr) fell astern. Swift-Sure (Fr), still unbeaten, went to Bahama’s aid but was raked by Colossus and when Orion took away her mainmast, she surrendered at 3.30.

Achilles (Br), coming to Bellerophon’s aid, challenged Montanes who steered away before coming upon Argonaute with whom she traded broadsides for an hour. About to board and take possession, Achille (Fr) came up to port and Berwick to starboard separating her from Argonaute. Achille (Fr) continued on towards Bellerophon while Achilles (Br) and Berwick fought on for an hour before Berwick surrendered.

Battle of trafalgar depicted by William Wyllie

At around 2.00, Dreadnought entered action with the badly mauled San Juan Nepomuceno whose surrender was given 1/4 hour later. As she prepared to accept surrender, Dreadnought set off in chase of Principe de Asturias who was attempting to leave the battle, leaving the astonished San Juan Nepomuceno to surrender to Defiance. While Dreadnought and Principe de Asturias exchanged some fire, Dreadnought was too slow through the water and her quarry escaped.

Defense had fought Berwick for half an hour before it broke off action at around 3.00. Looking for another opponent, she came upon San Ildefonso with whom she battled for an hour before the Spaniard’s surrender on the approach of Polythemus.

Defiance, following Defense was badly mauled by Principe de Asturias and was unable to give chase. Coming upon the battered Aigle and meeting no resistance, she boarded with marines that hoisted the British flag but came under heavy musket fire. As the boarding party scrambled back on board, Defiance moved away to a range of about 50 yards, and blasted Aigle for 25 minutes before reboarding and securing the surrender. Later, she came upon the drifting San Juan Nepomuceno who had been abandoned by Dreadnought and secured her surrender also.

At around 3.30, Swiftsure (Br) engaged Achille (Fr) who had been firing on Belleisle. Polythemus, who had been firing on Neptune (Fr) engaged on the other side. By this stage 11 of the 19 ships in the second half of the allied line had surrendered and seven had fled. Achille (Fr) ceased resistance as she caught fire and was fired on by Prince who also ceased firing when she realized what had happened. The British ships sent their boats to rescue as many of the crew as possible, rescuing about 100 from the flames. When the fire reached the magazine, Achille (Fr) blew up at around 5.45 marking the end of the battle.

Trafalgar was a devastating defeat for the combined French and Spanish fleet. The British did not lose a single ship although most were damaged, some severely. Losses amounted to 449 killed and 1214 wounded out of 18000, allowing Britain to keep its experienced and battle hardened human capital intact. Allied losses, on the other hand, amounted to 4408 killed and 2545 wounded. Eighteen ships were captured and one, the Achille, was blown up.

Of the 10 ships that regained Cadiz, the French ships Pluton, Heros, Neptune, Argonaute and Indomptable and the Spanish ships San Francisco de Asis, Montanes, Rayo, San Leandro and the San Justo, all were damaged and only five were seaworthy. When Admiral Rosily arrived to assume his command on the 25th October, instead of finding 18 French ships, there were only five battle-scarred survivors.

The danger was not over for the British as a strong gale was approaching. The storm raged from the 21st October through to the 27th during which the British lost many of their prizes. Only the San Juan Nepomuceno, Swift-Sure, San Ildefonso and Bahama made it back to Gibraltar. The crews of Bucentaure and Algisiris managed to regain control of their ships from the British but only Algisiris managed to regain port, Bucentaure running aground. The rest were lost, either sunk or abandoned.

A few days after the battle, on the 23rd, the French ship Pluton spied Neptuno and the Santa Ana being towed to Gibraltar. Setting sail with Heros, Neptune, San Francisco de Asis and Rayo, they attacked, forcing the British ships to drop their tows. On returning to port, however, Rayo became stranded on the coast to be set on fire by the British while San Francisco de Asis and Neptuno both ran aground.

More was to come. The 2nd of November saw Dumanoir’s four ships meet Commodore Strachan’s squadron of four line ships and four frigates. Engaging on the 4th, Dumanoir dithered in his command while Strachan attacked with vigor, capturing all four French ships.

The combined fleet was, therefore, reduced by a total of 23 ships by the Trafalgar campaign. While not defeating Napoleon; the Victory was towed into Portsmouth on the same day Napoleon crushed the Third Alliance at Austerlitz, his hopes of invading England were crushed beyond repair. In addition to these material losses, the French were crushed psychologically, destroying naval moral for decades. Of the ships that regained Cadiz, none were to see action against the British again. In 1808, when Napoleon invaded Spain, the Spanish seized the five French ships.

Of all Napoleon’s foes, the British alone remained undefeated and implacable in their opposition. Unlike his other enemies, who he was able to meet in open battle, the English were protected by the English Channel and the Royal Navy. As a naval victory alone would not subdue them, he needed to defeat the British on land and on their own soil as he had done the Austrians and Prussians. To do this, the British navy had to be distracted or defeated to allow his army to cross the channel.

With the establishment of the third alliance, between Britain, Austria and Russia, Napoleon’s priority shifted from defeating the British to avoiding defeat by her new allies. Instead of covering his invasion force, his navy was required in the Mediterranean to protect his forces in Italy by preventing the British and Russian armies joining and attacking from his rear. On 14th September, he ordered Admiral Villeneuve to pass through the Straights of Gibraltar, link with the Spanish squadron in Cartagen, and head for Naples to block any attempt by the British to land their army currently in Malta.

A Comparison Of Fleets
The British had kept the French and Spanish fleets separated and locked in port. Of the ships of the line available to Napoleon, 35 French and 25 Spanish; about one third were in the Mediterranean. In 1803, the British had 111 ships, of which 60 could be used in home waters and the Mediterranean. The rest were spread throughout the West Indies, North America, India and the East Indies to protect British interests. Of the remainder, many were dispersed on blockade duty. In 1805, 12 were stationed off Brest, six at Ferrol, 11 at Toulon and five at Texel to keep an eye on the Dutch. There was an additional reserve, six in Kent and five at Plymouth. As a generalization, the French and Spanish ships could be viewed as more strongly built and more heavily gunned than those of the British but they were blockaded in port and in various states of disrepair, many unseaworthy.

The French revolution had decimated the officer corps of the French navy. Most officers were revolutionary appointees, inexperienced in command and lacking in ability while the rank and file was no better. In 1793, the Corps of seaman had been disbanded and army soldiers had to be used to fight on board ships rather than sailors and marines. The Spanish were in even worse shape, the French admiral Villeneuve describing them as “herdsmen and beggars.” The allied navies were, therefore, inexperienced at naval warfare and unskilled at ship handling.

On the other hand, most English officers had been in battle. Sailors were mostly either volunteers or had been pressed into service from the maritime community. As a merchant ship sails the same way as a warship, they were experienced at ship handling and gave the British a distinct advantage in maneuverability. More importantly, most had seen action and experienced success. This resulted in confidence and an expectation of victory that the French lacked.

A Comparison Of Tactics
British commanders tended to favor placing their ships to the windward of their enemy whereas the French tended to prefer the leeward. This gave the more aggressive British commander greater maneuverability and the ability to choose the moment of attack whereas his French opponent was forced to wait for the move and react accordingly. While the leeward ship had the ability to slip away more easily if the battle became too hot, it was a tactic aimed more at survival than victory.

French tactical thinking felt that the best way to defeat a ship was to destroy its means of maneuvering. As such, the French tended to concentrate their fire on the masts and rigging of their opponents. The British, on the other hand, saw killing the enemy ship’s crew as the preferred tactic and therefore concentrated fire into the hull. Due to the strength in design of warships of the day, they were rarely sunk by enemy fire but casualties could be very high. This, and the British ability to fire at a faster rate, helps to understand why French and Spanish losses tended to be so much higher than those of the British.

Fleet actions of the period had tended to be inconclusive. As a fleet closed on another to attack, a ship in line only knew when to turn into attack when its predecessor did. This resulted in a sequential attack where the battle developed piecemeal. This, together with the French tactic of sailing to the leeward, allowed them to easily escape. The only way to overcome this would be to approach line abreast and attempt to rake the enemy. This was, however, a risky tactic as it exposed the weaker bows to the enemy and masked the broadside. As a man-of-wars armament was placed in its sides, when approaching head on, it was unable to return fire. The attacking ship or fleet could be crippled before it was even able to make contact. If the fleet broke through the others line, it would then be forced to reform to the enemy’s leeward side.1. Only a brave and confident commander would use such a tactic and it was a modification of this that Nelson intended to use against Villeneuve.

The British Commanders
Admirals Nelson and Collingwood
Nelson Collingwood

On 9th October, Nelson called his captains aboard to explain his plan of battle. The British were to approach the French/Spanish in two independent lines, the weather column led by himself in Victory and Admiral Collingwood in the Royal Sovereign commanding the lee column. His own column was to break the French line just ahead of the enemies commander in chief, presumed to be at the center of the line while Collingwood’s division was to attack 12 ships from the end of the line. This would isolate up to 20 of the enemies ships in the van giving the British a local superiority of numbers to the rear, allowing them to envelop and defeat the rear of the enemy before the van could turn and render assistance. The British could then reform to meet this new threat or give chase if the van decided to run. As the leading ships in each of his columns would be surrounded by enemies and isolated from help as they broke the enemy’s line, Nelson placed his most powerful three deckers in the van to concentrate his firepower. Such a plan of close fighting favored the British emphasis of firing into the hull and their higher rates of fire.

Interestingly, Nelson’s opposite number, Villeneuve, predicted that Nelson would take such a course of action:
“The enemy will not confine himself to forming into a line of battle parallel with our own and engaging us in an artillery duel… he will endeavor to envelope our rear, to break through our line and to direct his ships in groups such that ours such as he shall have cut off, so as to surround and defeat them.”

Admiral Villeneuve
Villeneuve

To overcome this tactic, there were a number of possible counters that could be employed. The French/ Spanish could wear together and reverse their direction as the British approached so that the rear of the line became the van. This would cause the British columns to hit the front of the line. Instead of concentrating on the rear and isolating the van as it sailed away in the wrong direction, the rear ships would sail up to the action and be able to quickly join the battle. Alternatively, the French could fire their broadsides into the approaching British and then bear up and run to leeward to avoid being raked as the British reached their line. The tactic decided on was of “equalizing the line.” Believing that Nelson had only 20 ships of the line at his disposal, Villeneuve intended to form a “Corps de bataille” of that number and the rest into an “Escadre d’observation” as a reserve to meet the enemy where he chose to concentrate. In reality, however, this formation couldn’t be effectively implemented due to the poor sailing ability of his crews. On sighting the British on the 21st, he saw that the British had more than 20 ships and that his “Corp de bataille” was outnumbered. He was forced to place his reserve in the van forming one long unwieldy line – the worst formation in which to meet the British.

In a council of war, Villeneuve’s Spanish commanders refused to set sail knowing that Nelson and the British fleet were waiting for them. Napoleon, expecting Villeneuve to avoid carrying out his orders, dispatched Vice Admiral Francois Rosily to relieve him of command. On hearing of this and that on the 18th, the British had sent a fleet of four ships of the line to escort a convoy to Malta, Villeneuve convinced his commanders to set sail.

At 7am on 19th October 1805, the British frigate Sirius raised signal no. 370, “The enemy’s ships are coming out of port or getting under sail.” This was in turn passed to the frigates Euryalus, to Phoebe, to Niad and onto the ships of the line Defense, Colossus and Mars. By 9.30, Nelson has the message and ordered a “general chase southeast” towards the Straights of Gibraltar. Due to a drop in the wind and poor seamanship, only eight of Villeneuve’s ships managed to clear harbor and it wasn’t until noon the next day that all 33 had cleared port. This, and Nelson’s quick response, resulted in his fleet arriving at the Straights well before the allies and forcing him to backtrack towards Cadiz. Villeneuve, in the meantime, sailed into the Atlantic towards the out of sight Nelson who kept watch with his frigates.

Dawn on the 21st saw the allied fleet approach the Straights to find it blocked by the British. At 6.00 Nelson hoisted signal no. 13, “Prepare for battle”. Those ships which had not already done so, set about the task. On a 19th century man-of-war, this was a major undertaking. Wherever possible, rigging was duplicated and strengthened to prevent yards from being shot away and falling to deck and the tiller was strengthened to preserve the ability to maneuver. Damage control equipment was prepared to plug holes below the waterline and buckets were filled with water for firefighting. Anything loose such as tables, furniture and even livestock was either stowed below or thrown overboard and hand weapons were placed around deck where they could easily be reached. Magazines were prepared and the deck was doused in water and covered with sand to provide better grip and soak up blood. Finally the galley fire was doused. Grog was issued with the cold meals eaten before the battle to help fight nerves.

At 7.30, Villeneuve ordered a retreat to the north. He ordered the easier option of turning down wind rather than tacking into it but it still proved too much for his fleet who milled about for 1 1/2 hours trying to reform while the British, using all possible sail, closed to attack. Instead of using fighting sail, they utilized every bit of canvas in order to maximize their speed and minimize the amount of time that the enemy was able to fire on them while they were unable to reply. The British were aided by a heavy swell which had caused the Allied line to lose its formation, opening gaps through which they could break. The allied crews, for many of whom this was their first time out of port, proved unable to keep close formation in the conditions. The British, on the other hand, with years of experience, were better able to keep station.

As they fell to the rear, the infantry began their struggle up the slope. Coming within range, they were met by a murderous assault of spears, axes and stones tied to sticks causing numerous casualties. Due to the shallower slope they faced, the Bretons arrived at the Saxon line before the other divisions, unsupported on their flanks and closely followed by an uncoordinated attack by their cavalry. As they came against the intact shield wall, the Saxons threw themselves forward and broke the Breton attack, routing them. As they fled, the Norman center division was attacked on its now open flank forcing a disorderly retreat.

A section of the Saxon line pursued the Bretons, probably against Harold’s orders. It is likely that the less disciplined fyrdsmen did so, the Beaux tapestry showing them as unarmored. It is often said that if Harold had ordered an all out attack at this stage, he may have routed the Normans from the field entirely but this is unlikely. His only advantage was in static defense behind his shield wall. Attacking cavalry was forced to turn the unprotected flanks of their horses towards the wall in order for the riders to bring their swords to bear. This in turn opened them up to the Saxon axe men. If the slow moving infantry were caught on open by cavalry with room to maneuver, particularly on the marshy ground at the base of the ridge, they would throw away all their advantages. As it was, William was able to rally his cavalry to counter the partial Saxon advance. Forced to form a defensive cluster on a small mound at the base of the ridge, the unarmored fyrdsmen were defenseless and were quickly dispatched with no survivors.
Fyrdsmen caught at the base of the ridge defend themselves from Norman cavalry

A small break in the fighting followed as William rallied his army’s flagging morale and the dead and wounded were seen to. The Beaux Tapestry shows hauberks being removed from the dead for reuse in the next attack.
Chainmail hauberks being removed from the dead for reuse
The Saxons meanwhile, plugged up any gaps in their defenses, moved their dead and wounded to the rear and piled up any dead horses in front as an added obstacle.

The second phase of the battle, beginning around 10:30 to 11:001., was slower and much better coordinated. Again, it began with an ineffectual archery barrage. Lasting up to two hours, attack after attack was repulsed by the Saxons with the dead of both sides piling up before them causing a further obstacle to the attackers. As casualties mounted, gaps began to appear in the shield wall but were quickly filled. At around 1:00pm, the Franco-Flemish division began to falter. William and Eustace of Boulogne holding the papal banner managed to halt a rout and the flank division was reinforced with Norman knights from the center. William, having been dehorsed, removed his helmet to show his face in order to counter the rumor that he had been killed. During the battle, he had three horses cut from under him.
William showing his face and Eustace holding the Papal banner rally their troops

William of Poitiers, chronicling the battle has described William as ordering two feigned retreats to encourage the Saxons to break ranks. Given the difficulty in coordinating such a tactic without causing a wholesale rout, this is highly unlikely. It is more likely that as each attack was repulsed, William’s army broke ranks to be rallied by their leaders. A feigned retreat was the victor’s way of favorably describing the fact that their army ran away! It was only the strength and ability of their leaders who were able to rally them to counterattack any Saxons foolish to break ranks that prevented a wholesale rout. At this point, William ordered another withdrawal, covered by cavalry.

Another lull followed as William and his commanders discussed a change in tactics that might bring success. At this point, they would have been getting desperate with up to one quarter of their force either killed or wounded. After five hours of fighting, with losses mounting and the Saxon line still intact, the Norman position was looking precarious. If the next attack failed, it was likely to be the last. In a foreign land, defeat would mean almost certain death for the invaders.

Changes were also being made in the Saxon position. Due to their casualties, the line was now too thin to adequately defend the entire ridgeline. As a result, it was concentrated to the slightly higher positions to the center and east. While this allowed the Normans to attack from even ground from the west, it would still be no easy task.

Norman archers firing upwards Forming a single group of infantry interspersed with cavalry and the archers placed to the rear, they slowly approached the Saxon line for a third time. Just before contact, the archers let loose volleys of arrows angled upwards as to fall on the middle and rear ranks of the Saxon line from above. Earlier volleys had hit the shield wall or simply sailed overhead. This provided the distraction and confusion desired just as the two forces met.

This wave of assaults was the fiercest of the day, each preceded by arrows. At around 4:00pm, weaknesses began to appear in the Saxon line, which the Normans began to exploit. In a final assault on the weakened left flank, they broke through and possibly did so on the other flank, It may have been at this point that Harold’s brothers, Leofwin and Gyrth were killed, defending their brother. The Saxon line broke and became a series of isolated groups fighting for survival. As the light faded, fyrdsmen and some housecarls made off to escape while others fought to the death.

The death of Harold Tradition has it that an arrow through the eye killed Harold but this is more a misinterpretation of the Beaux Tapestry than fact.2. A group of 20 knights broke through in an attempt to kill Harold, four reaching him: Hugh of Montford, Walter Giffard, Eustace of Boulogne and Ivo, the heir to the Count of Ponthieu. Ivo was later sent home by William for mutilating Harold’s body after his death.

With the news of Harold’s death, the Saxon army disintegrated. After a day of fierce fighting, the Normans showed no mercy to the dying and wounded, slaughtering them were they lay. Those unable to escape and hide in the forests were pursued and cut down by cavalry.

One group fled towards Malhosse pursued by Eustace of Boulogne and 50 cavalry in the fading light. In near darkness and unfamiliar with the terrain, they rode straight into a steep gully and Saxon ambush. Eustace, uninjured in the initial attack, was about to order a retreat when struck by an axe between the shoulder blades, unable to see his attacker. He died shortly after being taken back to the battlefield. William himself arrived to take command of the situation and beat off the attack before returning to the battlefield. This action, however, took place too late to change the course of the battle, which had already been won.

Sunrise on the 15th was to find Senlac Ridge littered with broken and discarded weapons together with the bodies of around 2000 Normans, up to 4000 Saxons and 6-700 horses. The battle had been of a length and ferocity unheard of in medieval warfare. Normally battles were over quickly as morale and discipline failed on one side or the other. The evenness of the battle was shown by its duration, fought on a knifes edge all day.

With around 30 percent losses, William was unable to march directly on London. After withdrawing to Hastings for five days, William set about subduing the surrounding countryside. As the significance of Hastings began to be appreciated, other areas submitted to his rule without resistance. By November, he had subdued south eastern England and was eventually crowned king on Christmas Day, 1066.

January 5th, 1066 saw the death of Edward the Confessor, setting in motion the chain of events that was to culminate in the Battle of Hastings on 14th October 1066. As Edward had left no heir, Harold Godwine, the Earl of Wessex, was chosen by the Witan to be his successor. Harold, the first English monarch to be crowned in Westminster Cathedral, was also to become the only English monarch to die defending his country.

While lawfully elected and enjoying the popular support of his subjects, Harold’s position was far from secure. His two main rivals for the English crown were Harald Hardraade of Norway and Duke William of Normandy. His immediate concern, therefore, was to strengthen his defenses. Having inherited a navy from Edward, he stationed his ships to patrol the approaches to Southampton and Winchester in order to block any crossing by William. The Fyrd, part time soldiers who served for two months each year, were also mobilized to protect southeast England. The defense of the north, the direction from which Harald Hardraade could be expected to attack, was left to Edwin and Morcar, the earls of Mercia and Northumbria.

William in particular was outraged by Harold’s coronation, having been promised the crown by Edward the Confessor in 1051. By dying without an heir, however, Edward in reality had no legal right to make such a promise. The issue of succession was a matter to be decided by the Witan. They based their decision on ensuring continuity of rule and Edward’s dying wish that Harold succeed him.

Harold taking his ‘oath’ on the bones of the English saints William’s second grievance, and one which aggravated him the, was the fact that Harold had broken an oath of allegiance made to him in 1064. Having been captured by the Count of Punthieu when traveling to Normandy, he was handed over to William on payment of a ransom. In order to gain his freedom, Harold was forced to make the oath on the bones of the British saints Ravennus and Rasyphus. Harold knowing that this oath was invalid, having been made under duress, never let it bother him and never sought a papal dispensation for it. William, however, cleverly used it to gain support and a papal blessing for his right to the English crown.

By offering the promise of lands in the event of a successful invasion, William purchased support for his planned invasion. Ordering 752 ships be built to transport his army, around 500 were estimated to have been delivered.1. All was ready by 12th August when his fleet assembled at the mouth of the Dives but was delayed by unfavorable weather. On the 12th September, possibly running short of food, the fleet moved north to St-Valery at the mouth of the Somme, closer to the English coast. The fleet was lashed by storms and some ships were lost. With Harold’s navy patrolling to block an invasion, the actual crossing would be a risky undertaking.

A storm had, however, forced Harold’s ships to return to port for repairs, leaving the channel open. Believing that there would be no invasion that year, Harold disbanded the Fyrd on 6 September in time for the harvest.

The Battle of Stamford Bridge
The exact date that Harald Hardraade landed is unknown but Harold had learned of it by 15th September. On the 20th, while marching on York, the Viking army was met by Edwin and Morcar at Fulford who were only defeated after a hard fight which left many dead on both sides. The city of York, now defenseless, surrendered without resistance. Harold quickly assembled his army and left London between 18-20th, marching 180 miles in only five days!

On 25th, Harold marched through York to the Viking camp at Stamford Bridge, eight miles to the east. Achieving complete surprise, the first indication the Vikings had that the Saxon army was in the area was when they appeared on the crest of the hill above their camp at around midday.

At the time, up to one third of the Viking army was at Riccall, returning wounded and plunder to their ships. The initial Saxon attack was beaten off but Harald Hardraade was killed. Rallying, the Vikings fought bravely until the rest of their army returned from Riccall. Late in the afternoon, the Saxons finally overcame the Vikings. The Vikings sustained in the region of 5000 casualties and the Saxons around 2000. Showing great magnanimity, Harold allowed the survivors to return home.

William’s Landing
After his lengthy delay, William finally landed at Pevensy on 28th September with news reaching Harold by 1st October. With Harold elsewhere, William was free to form a beachhead and set about the usual Norman “terror campaign” aimed not only at cowering the local population into submission but to provoke Harold into an early conflict before he was fully ready.

Norman horses being put ashore at Pevensy

Harold may have been already returning to London when he heard the news and was back by the 6th after another lightning march. With the Normans devastating the local countryside, Harold paused only five days to assemble his army before marching on Hastings. Hoping to surprise William as he had Harald, he quickly covered the 58 miles to his assembly point at the “hoary apple tree”, a well-known local landmark. Exhausted, his army arrived on the evening of the 13th with troops filtering into camp throughout the night. Surprise, however was not to be with William’s scouts keeping him well informed of Harold’s movements.

The size of William’s army has been the subject of much conjecture but has been most reliably estimated as around 2000 cavalry, 800 archers and 3000 infantry (dismounted men-at-arms).

Norman archers Norman archers were lightly clothed to allow rapid movement on the battlefield and easy use of the bow. The standard weapon used was the short bow, about four feet in length and drawn to the body rather than the ear as with later, more effective longbows. Against chain mail, its effective range was only about 50 yards. The Normans were also recorded to have used the crossbow, lethal at over 300 yards, but none are depicted in the Beaux Tapestry and it is unclear if any were used in the battle.

Infantry wore chain mail hauberks, (loose fitting knee length mail shirts split at the front and rear for ease of movement with elbow length sleeves), leather hauberks or no amour at all. Not all had access to mail which was expensive and time consuming to make and hence, was much prized. Helmets were of a conical design with a nose guard riveted to the front to provide facial protection. The basic weapon was the spear and sword.

The cavalry were the elite of the Norman army, equipped with mail hauberks. Like the infantry, their main weapons were the spear (a lighter version), and the sword for closer fighting. Similar to the Viking sword, it was made for cutting rather than thrusting. Blunt instruments such as the battle mace were also used. Infantry and cavalry were both equipped with the kite shaped shield, measuring about 36 by 15 inches constructed from wood and leather with metal reinforcements. Its longer length provided much more protection to the vulnerable leg area than the round shield, particularly for mounted troops. The horses, however, were not armored. This made them especially vulnerable when attacking a shield wall, as the Saxons were to employ. The rider was forced to turn his mount side on to be able to use his sword effectively. As a result, the flank of the horse was open to attack by his opponent, a role for which the Saxon axe was well suited. If his horse was cut from under him, a Norman knight in his heavy hauberk was defenseless until he could regain his footing.
Norman cavalry carrying the kite style of shield

The Saxon Army
Saxon Housecarls in battle The elite of the Saxon army was made up of the housecarls (the king’s bodyguard), formed by King Cnut 50 years earlier. In normal circumstances, Harold would have had around 3000 to call on but after Stamford Bridge, just weeks earlier, would be closer to 2000. His brothers Leofwin and Gyrth were estimated to have command of about 1000 each. This gives Harold around 4000 highly trained and armed troops, possibly the best fighting men in Europe. While mounted troops, they fought on foot and were slow moving and vulnerable to missiles on the battlefield.

Their armor was chain mail, similar to that used by the Normans. While expensive and prized, there was likely to be a substantial supply available from the plunder of Stamford Bridge so most would have been similarly protected. The Saxon housecarls, therefore could expect to be better protected than the Norman infantry. Each would also wear a helmet, possibly similar to the Norman style with a nose guard. The Beaux tapestry shows a mixture of shield types, the Norman kite design and the traditional round shield. Captured round shields of the Norse may well have replaced kite shields broken during the battle at Stamford Bridge.

The main weapon was the great two handed axe of Viking origin – a sharp curved blade of one foot diameter on a handle over three feet in length. This weapon could deliver a devastating blow which no shield or armor of its day could withstand. As a two handed weapon, the user would have wedged their shield into the ground before them for protection while wielding their weapon. Many were also armed with lances and swords similar to the Normans.

The rest of Harold’s army was made up of fyrdsmen, part time soldiers who were called up for two months a year to defend their land. Under the Saxon system, each five hides of land were to provide a man and 20 shillings for his wages for defense of the realm.1. This compares to the feudal system employed by the Normans who could call on full time professional soldiers. Theoretically, up to 15-20,000 of these part time soldiers could be called on but it is unlikely that anywhere near this were present at the battle. It is estimated that around 4000 made the field giving Harold an army of around 8000, larger than Williams but with a lower percentage of full time professionals. These fyrdsmen were less well armed than the housecarls, few possessed chainmail with most wearing hardened leather and carrying a range of weapons from spears, short axes, homemade swords and farm implements. Shields would have been round shields or whatever could be improvised.

Few archers were available to the Saxons at Hastings. While present as Stamford Bridge, the lightning rush south meant that few made it to the battle. Even in the latter Middle Ages when the English archer ruled supreme, they were rarely wealthy with access to horses. In his haste to meet William in battle, Harold was forced to leave them behind and didn’t delay in London long enough for others to be raised. As a result, the Normans were strongest where the Saxons were weakest, in mobile cavalry and archers.

The Battle Formations
Just after daybreak on the 14th, at around 6:00, William’s army broke camp and headed to battle. The Bretons took the lead, followed by the Franco Flemish and the Normans brought up the rear. The march to Senlac Ridge would have taken until around 7:30. Just out of sight of the Saxon position, they would have put on their armor and mounted their horses. William initially put on his armor back to front, seen as a bad omen, which he laughed off and also hung the bones of the English saints Harold had sworn on around his neck. When all was ready, William moved his army onto the field.

Harold positioned his army atop the ridge behind a wall of shields approximately 700 yards in length.2. The heavily armed housecarls were placed to the front while the less well-armed fyrdsmen were placed to their rear. The densely packed formation would have been seven or eight ranks deep. Their position was ideally suited to defense, unable to be outflanked due to the steep, uneven ground on either side – any assault had to be frontal. To the front, the ground sloped from 1/35 to the west, 1/15 at the center and about 1/22 to the east. This compared to around 1/4-6 to the flanks. Harold raised his standards, the Wyvern of Wessex and his personal banner, The Fighting Man on a slight rise near the center of the line. While there is no evidence of any barricades being erected before their position, it is likely that a small nearby stream was blocked to turn the ground at the base of the ridge into a bog.

William formed his army about 150 yards away on slightly lower ground from the Saxon position, just out of range of the few Saxon archers. The right division was made up of approximately 1600 French and Flemish troops under the command of Eustace of Boulogne. They straddled the London-Hastings road facing Harold’s left. William’s left, on flat and boggy ground was made up of about 2100 Bretons from Maire and Anjou commanded by Alan Fergent, the Count of Brittany. The center, twice the size of the flanks, numbering 4300, was made up of the Normans under the delegated command of William’s half brothers Odo and Robert, Count of Mortain. It was here that William raised his personal standard and the papal banner.

Each division was divided into three sections of similar composition. The first rank was of archers, slingers and spearmen, the second of infantry, and the third cavalry.

As they formed, the Flemish and French had to march before the Saxon line and perform a sharp right turn to take up their position. Luckily for them, Harold made no attempt to harass them. If he had attacked at this point, he could have caused havoc but would have taken heavy losses from the Norman cavalry as he regained his position on the ridge.

Williams plan was for a new type of mobile warfare. His archers were to shower the Saxon line with arrows before falling back. His dismounted men at arms were to move forward and clash with the Saxon line before the cavalry followed to exploit any gaps created by the fighting. This was to be repeated until the Saxon line broke.

Harold’s plan was simpler – to remain in a defensive line which favored his housecarls and fight a battle of attrition. The longer he held, the more reinforcements he could expect to filter onto the battlefield. William, on the other hand, on a foreign shore, could expect none. If the Saxon line held, victory would be theirs.